The estranged ruling ZANU PF political party of Zimbabwe though considered by some to one of the world’s most powerful political parties is an accident to Zimbabwe in Morgan Tsvangirai’s perspective. But even if it be so or otherwise, the big questions however ought to be answered. Can there be a second unity accord in the democratisation and transitional historicity of Zimbabwe’s economic and socio-political transformational revolution? Can Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe’s first strongest opposition face and President Mugabe’s biggest threat ever in the history of Zimbabwean politics, since attaining independence from Britain, break the golden silence holding Zimbabwe and the world in suspense. If a merger coalition deal is struck when is the news likely to be launched?
Tsvangira’s spasmodic ‘tale of two cities’ mesmerised his supporters and gave them a big sigh of relief and revivalism at a recently held press conference attended by hundreds of journalists and party officials. This marked Tsvangirai’s first and exclusive inaugural speech carrying more ‘gold than dross’ in its political weight since the onset of 2016. He skeletally touched on the position of MDC-T and other opposition political parties on the heated coalition question.
This speech, it is apparently deducible, was pregnant with political wit and displayed an undeniable sign of political maturity, as it stoked out to be one of Tsvangirai’s most brilliant deliberations and key revelations amid mounting inquest into the coalition question which most political analysts and the general populace of Zimbabwe feel is the best way to deal once and for all with rogue political regimes.
It is commonplace that he is avoiding alarm in the camp of the ruling party which has been notorious for infiltrating and dismounting opposition agendas in times past. Indeed the MDC-T has engaged other opposition political parties and the results are seemingly positive that such a scenario is going to pop up as a surprise to the ruling party come 2018. There is always a danger to announce that a coalition is imminent due the uneven and undemocratic nature of Zimbabwean politics which has been characterised by unfairness and a manipulative electoral system.
The first most important thing in the anti-regime change concerns the ruling party ZANU PF itself. ZANU PF is very aware of its inadequacies and knows too well that Tsvangirai can snatch the baton out of their age-old hands. By this we mean that the party is introducing new leadership, new style, new policies, a new party that abhors vanity and detests greed, a party that shuns corruption and a party with a different approach to governance of both the party and the country. This is the reason why we have this strategy of internal revolution within the ruling party itself, a revolution that aims at replacing the old ZANU PF regime with new faces and conduct to the affairs of public affairs. This can be viewed as a an opposition movement within ZANU PF itself and this has not come of its on but is a direct result of the incessant pressure being mounted by MDC-T and other rival opposition political parties.
ZANU PF has no other choice but to cleanse itself of its old, arrogant and corrupt and commandist image if it is to be relevant in the future politics of Zimbabwe. If this approach fails to satisfy we might be forced to think that Dr Joyce Mujuru’s People First might be a reproduction of ZANU PF party, which it formed and is sponsoring in the dire hope that if it loses to PF, it (PF), would look after their (ZANU PF bigwigs) interests. The split by Mujuru might be an orchestrated move and artificial.
The present opposition political parties’ threshold support in Zimbabwe we suspect might be too weak unless proven otherwise to unseat the Zimbabwe’s founding political party in 2018. Thus Tsvangirai’s political sentiments were still and calculated, reading between the lines, echoing a likelihood sense of a possible coalition in the forthcoming 2018 historic general elections. The idea of going into the election a divide opposition must now be a thing of the past. Having too many opposition parties is doing injustice to the already suffering and impoverished peoples of Zimbabwe. There is need for opposition party leaders to be selfless and put aside their differences and unite for a common cause if the battle is to be won in 2018.
What other opposition political parties more importantly need to understand about coaliton is that one or two of the parties will certainly have to assume principal power and control of the affairs of the would be the coalition party. What is often overlooked is the fact that the ZANU PF and PF ZAPU unity accord of 1987 was not a result of a cordial discourse between two patriotic parties; it was an imposition by one of the parties, and more importantly again, it was successful because one of the parties had an overriding support over the other. The opposition needs to also understand that in politics anything is possible.
Announcing the formation of a coalition now even though the prospects are high, risks early infiltration by agents of the new ruling ZANU PF party of President Mugabe. The same have discard the venom of the once vibrant Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, the Zimbabwe Students’ Union, let alone the Zimbabwe Council of Churches and the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, for ZANU PF agents are not God-fearing. Thus a shorter period six months or so is thought to be prudent for Tsvangirai to announce a coalition of Zimbabwe’s opposition political parties. This move is wiser as it does not give the ruling ZANU PF party ample time to infiltrate it. The strategy will be that Tsvangira wants to be shock that will paralyse the ruling party. The occasion will be a Machiavellian moment, as it will carry with it an aura of astonishment to the ruling party ZANU PF, Zimbabwe and the rest of the international community.
Infiltration of political parties by governments is legitimate; infiltration of opposition parties by ruling parties is legitimate; infiltration of opposition parties by other opposition parties is legitimate; and, more importantly, infiltration of ruling parties by opposition parties is also legitimate. The last of these infiltration scenarios however is least known or talked about. Ruling parties want it kept that way; that they are the ones who may infiltrate the opposition and never the other way round. In any democracy, politics or statecraft, infiltration of opponents is legitimate. It is done even in business to business relations; in business and government relations; and even in the sporting field. So what then is illegitimate? Only that which is not permitted by the law is illegitimate! So is infiltration permitted by law? Yes, in a sense, since the law is silent about it. There is no law against it!
Thus the ruling party is on a purging season to change its face and age, hoping to regain the support of its formerly active ‘core-supporters’. ZANU PF has this one possibility existing in its mind-set that the masses could come-back to its party-camp.
© 2016, Maxwell Teedzai. All rights reserved. – The views expressed here are purely those of the author and not necessarily those of the publishers. – Newstime Africa content cannot be reproduced in any form – electronic or print – without prior consent of the Publishers. Copyright infringement will be pursued and perpetrators prosecuted.
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